280 University of California Puhlicattons in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9 STRUCTURE. The majority of noun and verb stems are disyllabic. Neither etymological duplication nor grammatical reduplication is con- spicuous. There seems to be little vocalic mutation. Position plays an unimportant part syntactically. There is apparently no prefix in the language, even preposed pronouns such as those of Yuki and Yokuts being lacking. Grammatical form is there- fore expressed almost wholly by suffixes. PLURAL. The plural of animate nouns is expressed by -k, sometimes -ko. Thus nafia-k, men, occa-k, women, ole'tcu-k, coyotes, tcummeto-k or tcummeto-ko, southerners. Numerals referring to animate nouns also take the ending: oyica-k tune-ko-nti, four daughter-s- my. It is also further found on miko, ye, from singular mi, and in the subjective and possessive suffixes of the same person, -tok and -inoko. It appears also on demonstrative and interrogative stems, as ne-kko-n, their, of these, and mana-ko-n, somebody's. The term gotcayakko, town, from gotca, house, evidently con- tains the suffix. Nouns ending in the diminutive -ti show some irregularity: nana-ti-koko, boys; uya-guta-k, old men, and ona-guta-k, old women, from uya-ti and ona-ti. Inanimate nouns lack indication of plurality. Efforts made to determine a modification in verbs according to plurality of either subject or object were fruitless. CASES. There are two purely syntactical cases, an objective -i and a possessive -fi, which have an extensive use. The objective is not only regularly employed on the object noun, animate or in- animate, but on numerals and verbs used objectively, as masi yinanakama tolokocu-i, we killed three, and gudjikcuangum muli-a-i, I do not wish to sing. It is also used on nouns con- nected with a prepositional adverb, as in lilamadoyi gotca-i, on top of the house. The ending may perhaps also be sought in umedj-i, yesterday, kauleba-i, tomorrow, and willa-i, constantly. The possessive case-suffix is used not only in the noun, but 1913] Kroeher: Languages North of San Francisco, 281 also in the independent pronoun and demonstrative: kannti-n, my, mi-nif-n, your, ne-cti-n, his, this one's, itci-n, our, mana-ko-n, somebody's. When two nouns are possessively related, the posses- sive pronoun as well as the possessive case may be, or is usually, employed: palaia-n hake-eu, close to the ocean, ocean's its edge; kannu-n sake-nti-fi ocea-cw, my my-friend's his-wife, the latter construction recalling Yokuts yiwin an limk-in, wife his prairie- falcon's. It will be seen that the possessive case-suffix is added both to the plural and the pronominal suffixes. The same is true of the objective: uye'ayi-ko-i, white men; sake-t, my friend, objective sake-nt-i. Added to a verb with attached subjective suffix, the possessive case renders it subordinate: utcux-ce-te-fi, when I had stayed, stay-did-I-when ; tolyok-cuke-te-n wnu-ce-nti, after listening I returned. Yokuts uses the locative case -u in exactly parallel constructions. The possessive is also frequently used on the noun or pronoun subject of a verb, apparently when this is in some way dependent: Kelsi-n unu-kuke-te-cv>, Kelsey his-bringing-me ; tolyok-cuke-nti hayapo-ko-n liwakcoko, I-heard captains' speaking; kannti-n tuyan-at, I jumped; itci-fi yulu-tcu umedji, we bit yesterday; sake-nti-fi huwata-cc>, my friend ran, my friend's running. Verbs with the potential suffix -uni also may have their subjects in the possessive: mina-ii tuyafi-uni-na, can you jump ; kannu-h tuyan-uni-t, I can jump. Like almost all languages of California, Miwok possesses locative and instrumental suffixes. Those determined by the author are a general locative -to, an ablative -mo, a terminalis -m, and an instrumental -su. The only other forms obtained are separate postposed words, such as unuk, from, iibuk, for, on account of, or preposed prepositional adverbs governing the noun in the objective case, like the above mentioned lilamadoyi, on top of. sawalo-to, on Saturday gotca-mma, from the house lelotu-to, on the railroad mokelumne-m, to Mokelumne isako-to, there sanhose-im, to San Jose ne-to, here no ^-m, there imaga-to, indoors sawa-m, on the rock min-to, where gudji-su. with a knife goteayakko-to, to town cawa-su, with a stone mokelumne-mo, from Mokelumne leka-su, with a stick, imaka-ma, from there 282 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 9 Dr. Tozzer found the following suffixes : -to, superessive -ko-ta, ko-ta, comitativej with -mo, ablative or at -m, -am, inessive -pa, terminalis -pa-zo, instrumental -ta, for It seems that the meaning of the suffixes is not precise, the locative being used to denote the ablative and terminative rela- tions and vice versa. Dr. Tozzer also gives a number of pronominal forms. These consist of the full form of the pronoun, followed by the case- ending, to which in turn a suffix form of the pronoun is added. kani-to-te, on me (I-on-my) ikazo-mo-ko, from him mi-ta-ni, for you mi-ko-ni, at you kani-am-te, in me itci-ko-me, with us It is not certain whether each of these expressions forms one or two words. Possibly kani to-te should be read for kani-to-te. The suffix ko-ta or ko-ta loses its second syllable -ta in these pronominal forms. PRONOUNS. The pronominal forms of Miwok have been most fully deter- mined by Dr. Tozzer, without w^hose full paradigms their nature would have remained obscure at many points. As in other American languages, the independent personal pronouns and the affixed pronominal elements, or as we might say, the pronouns and the inflections for person, are quite dis- tinct in Miwok. As in most languages that possess both classes of elements, the independent pronouns are used chiefly for emphasis, when they are actually tautological, or in elliptical and unsyntactical constructions. In some languages the longer independent words are clearly expansions of the affix or ** inflectional" forms, which must be regarded as primary. In other languages the affixed elements are probably reductions of the originally independent and separate pronouns. In Miwok the two classes of forms are evi- dently of unrelated origin. They show, at least in the singular, no similarity whatever. The independent pronouns, which are throughout treated and declined like nouns, are : 1911] Kroeber: Languages North of San Francisco, 283 Subjective Objective Possessive S 1 kanni kanntt-n S 2 mi' mini minit-n S 3 [ikazo ikazo-i ikazit-n] P 1 itci, maei itei-n, maci-n P 2 miko miko-i miko-n P 3 [ikako ikako -i ikakw-n] The forms for the third person are demonstrative. While Dr. Tozzer gives maei, us, as the objective of itci, we, the difference between the two forms is apparently one of duality and plurality respectively, or possibly of inclusion and exclusion of the second person. The first person subjective together with the object of the second, is expressed by the enclitics mu-cu, I thee, and mu-tok-cu. I you. yina mueu', I kill you huwate-ne mucu', I make you run kuteikcu mutokcu, I like you PRONOMINAL AFFIXES. The **infleetionar' forms, contrary to the prevailing tendency of American languages, are suffixed. Their most remarkable feature is that the subjective suffixes of the verb show three distinct forms, each used only with cer- tain modes and tenses. The three tense-forms of one person are often entirely dissimilar. One set of forms is employed only for the present and perfect tenses. Another is used with two preterite tenses. Still another, the most common, is used after all other temporal and modal suffiLses. This, called hereafter the first form, is perhaps primary, as the objective suffixes of the verb, and in part the possessive suffixes added to nouns, are almost identical. Several of the possessive suffixes, however, resemble the preterite subjective suffixes more closely. 81 Possessive -t, -nti Objective -t, -te Subjecti/ve 1 Future, Passive, etc, 'tj -te Subjective 2 Preterite -nti Subjective S Present and Perfect -ma, -m S2 S3 -no -co -n, -ni -k, -ko, -wo -n, -ni -k, -ko, — -no -co -s -wo PI P2 P3 -teo, -ma (si) -moko, -miko -ko, -kofi -m, -me -tok, -tokni -ko, -k -me, -m -tok, -tokni -kQ -ted, -ma(T) -muko -ko -ti -toksu -pu 284 University of California Publications in Am, ArcK and Ethn, [Vol. 9 Contrasting with the independent pronoun, the suffixes almost throughout possess forms for the third person. When both subject and object are expressed in the verb, the objective suffix precedes. Examples of the possessive suffixes : ir'tca-t, my house '■<'ca-t, my wife ) ;] r[;i t, my hair oyaji-im, your name auei-no, your son \ekii-su, his stick occa-cw, his wife hana-tcti, our hair gotca-moko, your house hana-kon, their hair, somebody's hair The possessive suffixes follow the plural ending; case-endings usually but not always follow the possessive suffixes, sake-nt-i, my friend (objective) sake-nti-fi, my friend's occa-i-nw, your wife (objective) tune-ko-t, my daughters The first or primary form of the subjective suffixes is em- ployed after the future suffix -i, the passive -si, the usitative -imi, the potential -uni, and at least certain combinations of past suffixes, such as -ke-ce or -kco, and -ce-k. The second form is either attached directly to the stem to express a recent past tense ; or it is added to the preterite suffixes -ce or -ke, which appear to indicate a more remote past. The third form, when immediate to the stem, indicates present time. It also follows the past suffix -naka, which Dr. Tozzer interprets as a perfect. First form of subjective suffixes: huwat-imi-t, I run constantly wokec-i-t, I shall go dobomi-n, you are crazy yulu-in a, will you bite? muli-i-tok a, will you singf muli-i-me, we shall sing yulu-yi-m, we shall bite hakaine-cakoco-t, I was hungry itci top-i-me, we shall hit itei a hakaine-cak-me, were we hungry? miko a hakaine-i-tokni, will ye be hungry? 11] Kroebet: Languages North of San Francisco. 285 haline-i-ko, they will be sick haline-imi-su-n, you used to be sick katce-ca-zo liwa-ni-ko, he said he would talk haline-i-tok ane, ye might be sick tokla-bosa-i-te, I shall hit myself itci osati ete-ksoi-m, we had a girl itci osati ete-ma-yi-m, we shall have a girl tcuku yak-te, or yako-zo-te, I had a dog tiwa-i-ko sumnenu-i, they will bring a hat (sombrero) ^vontete-i-me, we shall sell (Sp. vender) owo-i-koj they will eat k.'uii mata-si-tej I am shot mini mata-si-yi-ni, you will be shot k;nii mata-si-z6-te, I was shot tokala-ai-zo-te^ I was hit tokala-si-te^ I am hit itei yiloa-si-me, we are bitten miko yiloa-si-zo-tokni, ye were bitten kalto-i-te, I shall dance hakaine-imi-so-te, I used to be hungry hakaine-pa owo-i-te, if I am hungry, I will eat masi hakaine-pa-k, owo-i-me, if we are hungry we will eat hakaine-nit ow6-ni-no, if you were hungry, you would eat noka-ni'zo, wokoc-i-te, if it rains (*'its raining'O^ I shall go Second form of subjective suffixes : huwata-nti, I ran hedea-no, did you see? yiina-nu, did you kill? yulu-teu, we bit yulu-ce-teo, we bit goyoka-te-no, you looked at me hiila-te-nu, you cut me yulu-te-co, he bit me ika-zo tope-zo, he hit miko tope-muko, ye hit tokla-te-zo, he hit me mini tokla-ni-z6, he hit you ika-zo-i tokla-ko-zo, he hit him masi nana etea-me-zo, the man saw us toloye-nti liwa-zo, I heard her talking moa-se-nti wona-zo, I met him walking moa-tokni-zfi wona-miiko, he met you walking moa-te-no wona-nti, you met me walking haline-so-tcOj we were sick tiwa-nti or tiwa-se-nti, I bought wcntete-no or wentete-ka-no, you sold mi owo-no, you ate owo-ted, we ate minii-n a haline-ke-no, were you sickf 286 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and EtJin, [Vol. 9 haline-ke-tco a itei-n, were we sick? kalto-z6, he danced eteya-ko-nti, I saw him. muli-ni-no tuyana-ntij when you sang ("your singing"), I jumped moa-in-te mega wone-no, I will meet you walking kani ane topu-pa-nti, I think I was hit Third form of subjective mffixm : goyoku-m, I look hiila-mu, I cut hedeyi-m, I see wukeu-ma, I go huwate-ma, I run yina-naka-ma, I killed huwate-ti, let us run uhu-ti, let us drink min-to yina-naka-tok, where did ye kill? muli-saino-ma, I wish to sing muli-saino-ano-ma, I do not wish to sing hoyako-wo, he is laughing tokla-bosa-s, you hit yourself mi a hakaine-s, are you hungry? hakaine-ti, we are hungry ika-ko hakaine-pu, they are hungry mi tope-s teuku-i, you are hitting the dog kani a hakaine-naka-ma, have I been hungry? katco-wo haline-wo, he says he is sick haline-toksu, ye are sick ika-ko woko-saino-pu, they wish to go kani hoyak-saino-ma, I want to laugh muli-saino-wo, he wishes to sing tiwa-wo somnenu-i, he buys a hat tiwa-naka-pUj they bought wentete-ma pulaka-i, I am selling the basket dwd-8, you are eating mata-pu, they are killing mata-naka-wo, he killed kalto-pu, they are dancing eteya-te-wo, he sees me eteya-ni-ma, I see you kani ane topu-pa-ma, I think I am hit Examples of objective forms, additional to those already given : goyoka-ni-t, I saw you httla-ni-t, I cut you kutcikce-waco-ni-t, I did not like you goyoka-te-no, you look at me hwla-c-te-ko, he stabbed me wiku-te-cu, his taking me dobe-tit, tcupta-nto, throw it at me! goyoke-to, look at me! 1911] Eroeher: Languages North of San Francisco. 287 VERB. The ** inflection'* of the verb for person consists of the aaaiTion of the pronominal affixes just discussed. The following derivational, modal, and temporal elements, all suffixes, have been found : -ne, causative -ce, -kee, -caino, desiderative -imi, continuative -uni, -ani, potential -aiiu, -cewa, negative -bo, -bo-sa, reflexive -ce, -cu, -ke, -keo^ -cak, past -naka, past, perhaps perfect -i, future 'Sij '^pa, passive Dr. Tozzer sometimes writes the potential or dubitative ani as a separatG particle bt::fore or after the verb. The subject of the verb in the potential usually has the possessive case-suffix. The order of suffixes is: derivative, modal, temporal. The desiderative and negative precede those that express mode and tense. The potential, the passive, and the usitative come before the preterite and future suffixes. Last of all in the verb are the objective and then the subjective designations of person. huwate-ne-i-t, I will make him run goyok-eu-m, I want to see mi* a tuina-kco, do you wish to jump? tuiiia-kce-anu-m, I do not wish to jump uhu-kca-fiu mi*, you do not wish to drink uhuk-imi, he drinks constantly tuyan-imi-t, I jump constantly yina-an-uni-t kannii-n, I cannot kill him tuyan-eewa-t, I do not jump kutci-kce-anu-m, I do not like him (good-wish-not-I) yina-ciwa-co-n, you did not kill it kaune-naka-ma, I shouted liwa-ni-no a, can you talk? howato-ni-ko a, can they run? woke-bo-sa-nti, I burned myself heka-bo, to wash one*s self sakizo-bo, to comb one's self 288 University of California Publicatio7is in Am. ArcK and Ethn. [Vol. 9 The suffix -ne, to be distinguished from causative -rie, has verbal force on adjective or intransitive stems. kutci-ne-ma, I am good hakai-ne-ma, T am hungry hali-ne-ma, I am sick The interrogative is indicated by the particle a. This is regularly the second word in the sentence; but far from being enclitic, usually carries the heaviest accent in the phrase. Instances occur among examples previously given. In certain verbs the stem in the future appears to end in a consonant, while in the past and present a final vowel appears. In some instances this is brought about by a shift of the second stem-vowel to a place after the final consonant. Present and Past Future wukcu- wokec-i kaune- kauin-i huwate- huwat-i tuyane- tuyan-i yila- yil-i tope- top-i eteya etey-i In Northern Sierra Miwok the verb is certainly as truly conjugated or inflected as in any Indo-European language. The existence of three forms of personal endings whose employment depends on ideas of tense, and the differentiation of all of these from the independent pronouns, make it impossible to describe the language as ''agglutinating." VERB STEMS. Verb stems are generally disyllabic, unless those so far determined should ultimately prove to contain affixes of motion, shape, direction, or instrument, of which possibility there is no present indication whatever. ame, give birth doklo, tokla, strike with fist, ameto, beg knock down dekma, tekme, kick duka, dt^ka, pierce depa, cut ete, etea, eteyo, hete, hideye, dobe, thro\T see, look at dobome, crazy etepo, lie on stomach Kroeher: Languages North of San Francisco. 289 hakai, hungry hali, sick haye, touch heka, wash hefine, ask for hili, pinch hinuwo, gamble grass game hoge, bet hotse, hiccough hoya, laugh hukaye, smell hupa, roll huwa-epo, hasten huwa-te, run huya, start, leave, arrive huyaku, strike hiila, stab kalte, dance kata, shut kauin, kauue, shout kelpe, swallow kole-nak, cough kona, bark kope, open koyok, goyok, see, look kopa, pull kusu, sit with stretched leg kute, kuta, gute, push, knock with hand kuyage, whistle late, suck latci, chop (Spanish la hacha, the ax) lepa, bury liwa, talk lokta, sneeze lometa, fall lutsu, ascend mata, shoot, kill (Spanish matarf) moa, meet mole, spill motea, hide muli, moli, sing mulagu, wash face nawu, dress nepye, swallow nete, count nipito, sit with folded leg notco, notcu, cry, whine nuzu, mizu(?), undress okye, make basket oie, dig owo, eat, bite pakal, pay (Spanish pagar) petane, throw away pilapa, pinch puu, squat sakizo, comb sotcaya, shine sotceld, lie on side sutwa, break a string takya, hit with stick, whip taswa, break temanu, cross tiwa, buy tizoye, scratch toloye, hear totci, believe, wish tuka, spit , tupi, press tuyan, tuifia, jump tcamza, die tcime, climb tcunuza, slide tcupta, throw endwise uhu, drink uku, enter uktcu, dream unu, come, return utcu, stay weli, catch welza, hunt for wentete, sell (Spanish vender) wilano, steal wokee, wukuc, wokcu, go woke, burn wokle, swallow w^na, walk yana, sleep, lie on back yilo, yila, yulu, bite yina, yunu, kill yiya, shake yotki, hang yuhu, swing yutme, claw 290 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. ^ DEMONSTRATIVES, The stems corresponding to this and that are ne and no. Ne and no have been found, both as substantives and adjectives, only with the ending -i; as adverb, here, ne occurs with the ending -to, -kkato. Prom no is derived no'-m, there. The pos- sessive case of both stems is formed by the ending -cit-n— com- pare mi-ni^-fi, from mi, you. The possessive plural is ne-ko-u and no-kko-n. Another demonstrative stem denotive either of greater dis- tance than no, or of reference rather than position, appears to be i-. i^a-c-i naila-i, that man imaka-ma, there, from there isako-to, there To these forms are related Dr. Tozzer's ika-zo and ika-ko, usually given in translation for *'he" and *'they." '*He" also appears several times as igas or iga. The interrogatives are mana, who, ti'nii, what, mini, where, mitan, when. Min-to is used for mini when the sentence contains a verb. Somebody's is mana-ko-n, somewhere mini-mta. How large, is miniwitci; how, is mitciksu, NUMERALS. The numerals, when accompanying animate nouns, take the plural suffix: oyiea-k. They also receive ease suffixes: tolokocu-i. They also enter into composition: toloko-ma-i, oyica-ma-i, three times, four days; toloko'-me, we three, three persons. *'Each'' is -ameiii : otiko-ameni, two each. SUBORDINATION. Dependent clauses have been mentioned as being indicated by the possessive ease-suffix. Either this is added to the subject, the verb receiving a possessive instead of a subjective pro- nominal ending, so that the construction is really nomiiml- possessive; or, to express a temporal clause, the ease-suffix is added to the verb, pronominal ending and all. mina-n yulu-no, (I saw) your your-biting sake-nti-u huwata-eo, my friend ran, literaUy, my friend's running tolyok-cu-ke te-fi^ after I had Hstenedj literally, of my listenint^ 39111 Eroeher: Languages North of San Francisco. 291 ORDER OF WORDS, The order of words in the sentence is not rigid. The verb sometimes is first, sometimes last. Local modifier and object both precede and follow the verb. Connective words have not been observed. TEXT. hoya-na-ke-nti stedji-to tcume-nti I started. On the stage I rode. huya-ke-nti mokelnmne-mo wukue-it I arrived. From Mokelumne Hill I went wolucprinu-mo tcume-nti lelotu-to From Valley Spring I rode on the railroad. sanhose-im wolucpriiiu-mo sanhose-mo at San Jose from Valley Spring. From San Jose Kelsi-ii tcummatc wukucu imaka-ma Mr. Kelsey's south went. From there wiikuc-e-nti imaka-ma huya-yi-ke-nti 1 went. From there I went tolokoeu oyisa-i tanalo-i uke-nti three four tunnels I went through maunthomon-mo toloko-mai utcu-se-nti at Mt. Hermon. Three days I stayed. toly ok-cu-ke-nt i hayapo-ko-n li wa-kco-ko toly ok-cu-ke-te-n I listened chiefs' their speaking. After listening wnu-ce-nti sanhose-m htiya-ke-nti Kelsi-ii unu-ku-ke-te-co I returned. At San Jose I arrived Mr. Kelsey's his bringing me sanfransisko-mo imaka-ma toloko-mai oyica-mai utcux-se-nti Sawalo-to On Saturday mokelumne-m To Mokelumne Hill wolucprinu-m to Valley Spring. huya-ke-nti I arrived wiku-ke-te-cw his taking me polaia-n hake-cit ocean's its close maunthomoni-mo to Mt, Hermon hnya-ke-t isako-to I arrived there to San Francisco. There three days four days I stayed. heteyi-yi-ke-nti coke-i I saw anything, lapieayu-i fish, ueiimati bear heteye-nti I saw, wana-ko-i many uye'ayi-ko-i Americans, cowu-ko-i shows heteye-nti I saw, sakacti-ko-i circuses heteye-nti I saw. wukuc-e-nti I went hisu-m toloko-mai east three days utcuk-ce-te-ii after staying haiapo-to at chief ututi kotea-i large house.